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Pausanias 193 says that there were two ways of accounting for the name of the town Pyrrhichus in southern Greece. One derived it from Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, the other, from Pyrrhichus, a god of "the so-called Curetes." There was also a local story that the town was settled by Silenus from Malea. Pausanias adds that the people about Malea explained how Silenus came to be called Pyrrhichus also, but he does not give the explanation. He concludes his remarks about the town with these words: "In the market-place there is a well of water which they believe was given to them by Silenus. There would be a dearth of water, if this well should fail. The gods who have sanctuaries in their land are Artemis, surnamed Astrateia, because the Amazons here ceased their forward march, and Apollo Amazonius. The statues are both xoana, and they say that they were set up by the women from the Thermodon."

Thus the sole mention of these two cult-epithets, presumably of great value to the investigator of the Amazon tradition, occurs in a passage which offers no help toward understanding them and in a puzzling context. It is strange to hear of the Amazons in Laconia, a canton in no way associated with the stock tale, as we know it, of the invasion of Attica. The few words in Pausanias suggest that the legend at Pyrrhichus told of the halting of a large army. In this it would differ from the Boeotian tradition 194 of a small band of Amazons separated from the rest in their rout by Theseus. There is no

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mention of a goal, whether Athens or Troezen, toward which the army that halted in Laconia were directing their campaign.

It seems natural to name Apollo and Artemis together, yet the Artemis of Ephesus, with whom the Amazons were closely associated, and Artemis Tauropolos, also mentioned as a goddess whom they worshipped, are in no way like the companion of the Hellenic Apollo. The obvious course of reasoning is to assume that Astrateia is the Asiatic Artemis and that, therefore, Apollo Amazonius is fundamentally a non-Hellenic god.

Although Apollo is pre-eminently a Greek divinity, the same name was used of a god worshipped in the Troad before the times of the earliest Aeolic colonisation. The only attributes of this deity, whose epithet was Smintheus, were the bow and the gift of prophecy. 195 Throughout the Iliad Apollo appears as a Trojan rather than a Greek ally, a fact not without significance to this inquiry. Cicero 196 mentions three gods called Apollo: the son of Hephaestus and Athena, the son of Corybas, and the son of Zeus and Leto. Of the second, who would seem to belong to cults related to that of the Mother, it was said that he was born in Crete, and that he contended with Zeus himself for the possession of the island. He is elsewhere called a son of Corybas, but this is the only reference to his struggle with Zeus. 197 This Apollo might appropriately be paired with an Artemis of the type of Ephesia. The sole hint at a ritual relation between Artemis and Apollo at Ephesus is in the inscription quoted above, 198 which records

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the dedication of a statue of "the Cretan Lady of Ephesus, the Light-Bearer" to Apollo, "Healer of diseases and Giver of Light to mortals." It was found to be not improbable that the Cretan Lady was the goddess whom the Lycians worshipped under the type of Ephesia, and to whom as Λυκεία Hippolytus dedicated a temple at Troezen. Sophocles 199 emphasises the bow as the attribute of Apollo Λύκειος, the companion of Artemis of Lycia. With this should be considered the fact that Apollo had three oracular shrines in Asia Minor,--at Branchidae, Clarus, and Patara in Lycia. Then the gift of prophecy as well as the bow, the two attributes of Apollo Smintheus may both be assigned to the Lycian Apollo. The hypothesis may be stated: that the Phrygian-Lycian Apollo, closely allied to Artemis Λυκεία, the Lycian type of Ephesia, is Apollo Amazonius. The theory tends to reconcile two conflicting statements, the one that of Pindar, 200 who represents Apollo as friendly to the Amazons, the other that of Macrobius, 201 who tells that he assisted Theseus and Heracles against them. Apollo, conceived as the Hellenic god, would naturally be their enemy, while the Asiatic Apollo would be their patron. It is possible to explain in the same way the seeming inconsistency shown in representing the defeat of the Amazons on the walls of the temple at Bassae.

It has been assumed in the preceding paragraph that Artemis Astrateia, because she is a goddess of the Amazons, is practically identical with Ephesia, and on this assumption an hypothetical interpretation of Apollo Amazonius has been based. In order that the investigation may be pursued from a different point of view, this argument may be dismissed for the present, to give place to an inquiry concerning the meaning

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of Astrateia. Farnell 202 does not discuss the epithet Amazonius, but for Astrateia he proposes the explanation that the word is a linguistic corruption for Astarte. By this theory the connection with a στρατεία denotes only a local attempt to account for a word of which the real significance was completely lost. The position of Pyrrhichus on the Laconian coast makes it easily credible that foreign influences might have imported the Semitic goddess. As the theory is put forward tentatively, details are not elaborated, and so it is not stated whether there is any reason other than caprice for connecting the Amazons, rather than another army, with the imaginary στρατεία. Rouse 203 accepts the statement of Pausanias as it stands and renders the phrase "Artemis of the War-host."

If Astrateia be "Artemis of the War-host," she was presumably an armed goddess. Pausanias 204 records that there was a statue of Artemis in Messenia bearing shield and spear. At Laodicea there was the conception of an armed Artemis, as shown by coins, and since the Laodiceans claimed to possess the original cult statue of the Brauronian goddess, 205 who was identified with the Tauric Virgin, 206 there is reason to believe that these two types of Artemis, Brauronia and Taurica, depicted her as an armed goddess. Furthermore, Artemis appears as a goddess of battle in her cult as Agrotera, for she regularly received sacrifice from the Spartans before a campaign or a battle; 207 at Athens the polemarch, assisted by the ephebes, in commemoration of Marathon sacrificed annually to her in conjunction with Enyalius; 208 and at Aegaera in

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[paragraph continues] Achaea she was believed to have routed the Sicyonians by telling the people of Aegaera to bind torches to the horns of a flock of goats in order to terrify the enemy. 209 Artemis Laphria, a Calydonian deity, is possibly also a goddess of war. She is pre-eminently a huntress, and in this respect might resemble Thracian Bendis, who entered the Greek pantheon as Artemis. Pausanias 210 seems to hint that the type of Laphria is related to that of Ephesia. Ephesia and Bendis both are forms of the Mother, who in Asia was warlike. 211

But not one of these epithets of warlike Artemis is suggestive of the word Astrateia. The nearest approach to it is in three surnames of Aphrodite,--Strateia at Mylasa, 212 Strategis at Paros, 213 and Stratonikis at Smyrna, 214 of which the first is startlingly similar to the one under consideration. The only epithet among those used of Artemis which calls Astrateia is Hegemone.

Artemis Hegemone was worshipped at Tegea, at Sparta, and near Acacesium in Arcadia. About her cult at Tegea there is nothing told which would differentiate this from other types. 215 At Sparta she was worshipped with Eileithyia and Apollo Carneüs in a shrine near the Dromos216 Eileithyia seems to have been a primitive goddess, whose worship was pre-Hellenic, and who in classical Greek times was identified with Artemis as helper of women in travail. 217 The torch was

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prominent in her ritual. Apollo Carneüs is generally known as the patron of the Dorian race. There are frequent notices of him in ancient literature as the god of the conquering people of Lacedaemon, a warrior who, like Mars at Rome, presides also over the flocks and herds. 218 Yet Pausanias 219 tells a story which makes it highly probable that among the pre-Dorian folk of Sparta there was a god of prophecy whose worship was grafted on that of Hellenic Apollo, whence there was formed the type of Carneüs. Pausanias distinguishes between a man named Carneüs and Apollo Carneüs. The former, who was surnamed Οἰκέτας, lived in pre-Dorian Sparta, and was highly honoured in the family of a prophet named Crius. In Dorian times there was a prophet of an Acarnanian family who was killed at Sparta by Hippotes. Apollo therefore was wrathful, and the Dorians exiled the criminal and atoned for the murder. The cult name of Apollo Carneüs was formed from the name of this Acarnanian prophet. It will be observed that in both legends there is mention of prophecy, a fact strongly suggestive of the Phrygian Apollo. Pausanias in this context relates a third story which brings Apollo Carneüs into direct connection with Troy. He tells that when the Greeks were making the wooden horse, they used wood of a cornel-tree (κράνεια) cut in the sacred grove of Apollo. As soon as they learned that the god was angry at their presumption they propitiated him under the name Carneüs. It seems not unreasonable to infer from these three legends that, although Apollo Carneüs came to be regarded as the Dorians' god, he was in a measure identical with the prophet-god of Phrygia and Lycia. The inference is strengthened

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by a fourth account in the same context. In this Pausanias quotes Praxilla, who said that Carneüs was from Crete, since he was the son of Europa and Zeus, foster-child of Apollo and Leto. In further support of the theory, here stated tentatively, it should be added that Acarnania, the home of the prophet who was killed at Sparta by the Dorians, was the country of the Curetes, conceived as one of the pre-Hellenic races of Greece. 220 Their name points to Crete. It must also be said that many believed Eileithyia to be of Cretan origin. 221 Thus Eileithyia, the third in the group worshipped at Sparta, may have been connected with the cult of the Apollo of Phrygia, Lycia, and Crete. In the shrine of Artemis Hegemone near Acacesium the cult statue showed the goddess with torches in her hands. 222 This temple gave access to the sanctuary of Despoena 223 in which Demeter was worshipped as the mother of Despoena. The cult legend made Artemis the child of Demeter rather than of Leto. Therefore beside the throne of Demeter there was a statue of Artemis, who was represented as a huntress with quiver, hunting dog, and a mantle of stag's skin. In one hand she carried a torch, in the other two serpents. Since the temple of Artemis Hegemone gave access to this shrine, and since in the attribute of the torch the statue in the inner sanctuary resembled that in the outer temple, it seems probable that the Artemis of the Despoena temple was Artemis Hegemone. In this sanctuary the Great Mother was worshipped with Demeter and Despoena, and the initiates heard holy tales about the Titanes, 224 Curetes, and Corybantes, all of whom were connected with Corybantes, all of whom were connected with

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orgiastic rites--the first, with those of Dionysus, the second and third, with those of Rhea-Cybele. It would follow that Artemis Hegemone belonged to the circle of deities honoured by mystic ceremonies like those of Crete and Asia Minor. Miss Harrison 225 mentions the torch as a conspicuous feature in the cult of Artemis Hegemone and connects her closely with Hecate who was Φωσφόρος; on the shores of the Thracian Bosphorus. The identification between Hecate and the Mother has already been noticed. 226

The investigation of Hegemone as an epithet would be incomplete without the mention of the use of the word in three other instances: alone, as the name of a goddess; as surname of Aphrodite; in adjectival form Ἠγεμόνιος; as an epithet of Hermes. The first of these shows Hegemone as the name of one of the divinities by whom the Athenian ephebes swore: "Be ye judges of the oath, Agraulus, Enyalius, Ares, Zeus, Thallo, Auxo, Hegemone." 227 Agraulus, Thallo, Auxo, and Hegemone appear to have been old deities of the soil. Pausanias 228 gives Thallo as one of the two Horae whom the Athenians worshipped with Pandrosus. He gives Auxo and Hegemone as the two Charites who had been revered at Athens from of old ἐκ παλαιοῦ) 229 The evidence for the worship of Aphrodite Hegemone is an altar basis found on the Acropolis at Athens with the inscription: Ἀφροδίτῃ ἡγεμόνῃ τοῦ δήμου. 230 Epigraphical evidence also furnishes the epithet Hegemonius with Hermes. The inscription 231 comes from the

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site of the Metroüm at the Piraeus, where Atys was worshipped with the Mother, and it is therefore presumable that this Hermes belongs in some way to this Asiatic cult.

It is possible to interpret Hegemone as an epithet indicating warlike character. The phrase, "leader of the people," applied to Aphrodite at Athens, suggests this. The Hegemone whom the ephebes invoked may have been regarded as such a leader. That as a Charis she was a primitive goddess of the soil tends to support the theory, inasmuch as early divinities are frequently both givers of fertility and protectors of their people in battle. It has been seen that this was the case with Apollo Carneüs at Sparta. It is noteworthy that there he was associated with Artemis Hegemone. This combination of qualities is displayed by the Great Mother and those resembling her. It has been noted that the Arcadian cult of Artemis Hegemone was in some way closely related to that of Despoena, a goddess whose rites were connected with the Corybantic rites of Demeter and the Asiatic Mother. Furthermore, the likeness between Artemis Hegemone and Hecate confirms the theory.

But whether Artemis Hegemone gained her epithet from a warlike character or not, she is undeniably a goddess whose attribute was the torch, and in this she approaches several of those forms of Artemis which are admitted to be martial. 232 Artemis Agrotera was a huntress like the Artemis, probably Hegemone, beside the throne of Demeter in the sanctuary of Despoena. Like her, and also like the Artemis of the outer shrine, who was certainly Artemis Hegemone, she was a goddess of the torch. The fact comes out in the story of the rout of the Sicyonian army at Aegaera. In the version which the Pseudo-Plutarch gives of the ceremony in which the Polemarch and ephebes sacrificed at Athens in memory of Marathon he substitutes Hecate for Artemis Agrotera, the name given by

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[paragraph continues] Pollux. Artemis Laphria, who seems to have resembled Ephesia, was honoured at Patrae in Achaea in an annual festival of fire. 233 Into an enclosure about her altar all sorts of wild beasts were driven to be burned alive. Like Agrotera, and, presumably, like Hegemone, she was a huntress. Another huntress was Thracian Bendis, who was nearly related to Hecate and the Mother, and who was taken over by the Greeks as a form of Artemis. Her rites required torches. 234

The torch does not appear as a feature in the Hellenic worship of Artemis until the fifth century B.C. After that its connection with the cult becomes steadily more and more prominent. Its association with this goddess may be traced historically to the influence of orgiastic rituals from Thrace and Asia Minor, like those of the Mother and Dionysus, and it is to be explained by the tendency to identify Artemis with various forms of Magna Mater235 The inference is inevitable that the three types of Artemis,--Agrotera, Hegemone, and Laphria--approach one which may be called Thracian-Phrygian, probably that of Hecate, in so far as she is similar to Cybele. These three forms of Artemis are warlike in character, but it is impossible to state with certainty that any one of them was represented in the cult image as an armed goddess. Such a statement can be made only of the statue of Artemis at Laodicea and of that which Pausanias saw at Messene. We possess no further record of the latter, but we are practically sure that the former was the type surnamed Taurica and Brauronia. 236 Since the home of this cult was the Tauric Chersonese, where the goddess was called the Virgin, the type must be classed as Thracian, and since it resembles that of Rhea-Cybele and Artemis Ephesia, it may properly be called Thracian-Phrygian. Thus not only the forms of Artemis

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which imply a warlike character, but also those which represented her armed, indicate that the cult came from the countries where the chief deity was a woman, both Mother and Warrior. It follows, that if Artemis Astrateia be Artemis "of the War-host," she is closely akin to the type of the Mother. In other words, she is, as it was at first conjectured, very like Ephesia and Tauropolos.

It remains to consider the possibility that she is Astarte. Cicero 237 remarks that Astarte of Syria was identified with Aphrodite, and that in this conception she appears as the wife of Adonis. Herein the type of Aphrodite approximates that of Cybele in Lydia and Phrygia where Atys corresponds to Adonis. At Hierapolis the Syrian goddess described by the Pseudo-Lucian has characteristics of Artemis as well as Aphrodite. In these rites the torch was a prominent feature, as in those of the Thracian-Phrygian Mother. Thus Artemis Astarte might be precisely the same as Warlike Artemis. Moreover, even if the goddess at Pyrrhichus were an Astarte more similar to Aphrodite than to Artemis, the probabilities would be strong in favour of the theory that she was armed, for the cult epithet of Aphrodite-Astarte in Greek religion was Urania, of whom there is reason to believe that she was the armed Aphrodite. 238 So from two hypotheses, the one, that Artemis Astrateia is Warlike Artemis, the other, that she is Astarte, 239 the inference is to be drawn that the image at Pyrrhichus showed her armed.

On the assumption that the goddess was armed it is reasonable to suppose that an armed god was grouped with her. It is easy to imagine the Hellenic Apollo defending his people,

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inspiring them with courage, and visiting their enemies with pestilence, yet he is not a truly martial deity under any one of these conceptions. However, his worship at Sparta as Carneüs has reminiscence of a time when he was regarded as a fighting god. Comment has already been made 240 on the indications that Carneüs was a pre-Dorian divinity of prophecy whom the Hellenes identified with their Apollo. The Phrygian god to whom he was very possibly related was a warrior in so far as the bow was as fixedly his attribute as the mantic gift. Near Sparta there was the shrine of another Apollo 241 portrayed in rude and primitive fashion in the form of a colossal bronze column, to which were added the head, hands, and feet of a man. The figure wore a helmet, and in his hands he carried spear and bow. Amyclae, the village to which his sanctuary belonged, was one of the pre-Dorian cities which had held out valiantly, but had finally been devastated by the invaders. 242 Here there was preserved down to the time of Pausanias a sanctuary of Alexandra, so-called by the Amyclaeans, who was said to be Priam's daughter Cassandra. 243 At Leuctra in Laconia this Alexandra had a temple and image, and here there were xoana of Apollo Carneüs, "made after the custom of the Lacedaemonians of Sparta." 244 Cassandra is conspicuously a prophetess who belongs to Troy and to Trojan Apollo, and therefore a relation between her cult and that of Carneüs, a god who seems to have been originally identical with the prophetic Apollo of Phrygia, Lycia, and

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[paragraph continues] Crete, 245 is natural. Apollo Amyclaeus resembles this Cretan-Asiatic Apollo in the attribute of the bow, and the helmet and spear betray his relation to Apollo Carneüs. Moreover, since at Leuctra in Laconia there was evidently a connection between the rites of Cassandra and Apollo Carneüs, the inference may be drawn that at Amyclae she stood in ritual relation to the local god. It would follow that Apollo Amyclaeus was in some way a prophet, and thus in another detail Amyclaeus resembles the pre-Dorian Carneüs. The festival of the Hyacinthia, which belonged to the Amyclaean cult, gave temporary freedom to the slaves of the region about Sparta and was a great holiday among the humbler freemen. It seems probable therefore that the feast was derived from the religion of the submerged element of the population, i. e. from the conquered aborigines. In its mystic imagery of the processes of life and death there is the hint that it was instituted in honour of a chthonic deity of fertility. 246 The legends of Amyclae certainly told of a period when the place was influential before the Dorian Invasion, and so presumably the worship of Apollo Amyclaeus was instituted by the pre-historic, or "Mycenaean," inhabitants of Laconia, whose civilisation, revealed in the artistic remains of Vaphio and in the myth of the royal house of Menelaus, was homogeneous with that termed "Minoan." The chief points in the argument are that Apollo Amyclaeus was portrayed in non-Hellenic fashion, that he was conceived, like Carneüs, as warrior and god of fertility, and that in general characteristics he seems to have

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been identical with the prophet-archer worshipped in Asia and in Crete.

Thus various trains of thought converge to establish the theory that the deities whom the Amazons were said to have introduced at Pyrrhichus were a warrior woman and a warrior man. The former seems to have been akin to Cybele, the Tauric Virgin, Ephesian Artemis, and others of the general type which includes these, the latter, to the god who was worshipped by the same pre-Hellenic peoples who evolved or perpetuated the rites of the Mother. He is a male divinity of battle and fertility, who was originally of secondary importance to the female. The mantic gift which belongs to him fits in well with the clamour which accompanied the ceremonies of the Mother in historical times and with the sense of possession by divine power which seized upon her worshippers. As Aeschylus clearly shows in the character of Cassandra, the skill of prophecy is divine madness. Frenzy was prominent in all orgiastic cults.

With the thought in mind that Artemis Astrateia and Apollo Amazonius are gods of the race who lived in Laconia before the Hellenes, it is important to examine the brief account which Pausanias furnishes of Pyrrhichus. 247 The town was said to have been named either from Pyrrhus or from Pyrrhichus, the latter a god of the so-called Curetes. It is natural that the epic tales about the house of Menelaus at Sparta should have been in vogue elsewhere in Laconia. Therefore the story of the coming of Pyrrhus to wed Hermione was associated with Pyrrhichus and also with Scyra 248 on a river not far away. Pausanias, however, puts more confidence in the other account of the name of the town.

The theory that Pyrrhichus was a god of the so-called Curetes implies that these are here conceived to be a primitive

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folk. The only region of Greece to which an early people of this name may be assigned with certainty is the land north of the Corinthian gulf. Apollodorus 249 states that the older name of Aetolia, regarded as the tract extending from the Evenus to the Acheloüs, was Curetis, and Pausanias 250 tells that the Curetes were the earliest inhabitants of Acarnania. In the legend of Meleager, as it is preserved in the Iliad251 the Curetes are shown besieging Calydon, the Aetolians' city. The dispute had arisen over the division of the spoils of the famous boar-hunt. The death of Meleager, who gives his life for the city, is ascribed in the Homeric version to the prayers of his mother Althaea, who had cried on Hades and Persephone to destroy him in vengeance for his having slain her brother, a prince of the Curetes. Pausanias 252 quotes the Eoeae of Hesiod and the Minyad as authorities for the statement that he was killed by Apollo, the patron of the Curetes against the Aetolians. In the Homeric story there is a hint that Apollo was unfriendly to the Calydonians. This is in the reference to the presumption of Idas, who attempted to shoot Apollo who had ravished his wife Marpessa. By Idas she was mother of Cleopatra, the wife of Meleager. Heroic legend shows many connections between this region of Acarnania and Aetolia and that of Messenia and Laconia. At the Calydonian chase, in which the Curetes and Aetolians were allies, Idas and Lynceus of Messenia and their Laconian cousins and rivals, Castor and Polydeuces, were among the assembled chiefs who took part. 253 Idas was connected with the house of Calydon by marriage with Marpessa. 254 Thestius,

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brother to Marpessa's father and king of Pleuron, the city of the Curetes, married his daughter Althaea to Oeneus of Calydon 255 and his daughter Leda to Tyndareus of Sparta. 256 Thus the Dioscuri, Leda's children, were related to the Curetes of northern Greece. These genealogies originated doubtless in racial affinities between the pre-Dorians of Laconia and Messenia and the early folk of Acarnania and Aetolia. In pre-historic times Messenia and Laconia seem to have been one country, founded by Lelex, locally known as an autochthon, and its name was Lelegia. 257 The Dioscuri were worshipped from of old both in Messenia and in Laconia as θεοὶ μεγάλοι, and as such they were easily confused with the Cabiri and also with the Idaean Dactyli. 258 Thus the argument leads to a connection between this folk called Curetes and the people among whom the orgiastic worship of the Mother was indigenous, and so it seems natural that the armed dancers who attended Cretan Rhea should have been named Curetes. The mention of the Leleges in Laconia and Messenia establishes direct connections with the pre-historic "Aegean" civilisation, which was tributary to the "Minoan," and also with the early races by whom the sanctuary of Ephesian Artemis was founded. 259

There are the same implications in the statement 260 that Pyrrhichus, a god of these Curetes, was another name for Silenus. The oldest and most persistent legends in regard to Silenus connect him with the country about the Maeander in Phrygia. 261 He belongs to the rites of Dionysus, which were intimately related to those of the Mother. The Cabiric

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mysteries probably combined the cult of a form of the Mother with that of Dionysus, whence arose the story that Dionysus was the son of Cabirus. 262 Dioscuri, Cabiri, Anaces, Dactyli are all in a certain sense the same. Hence we may think of this Pyrrhichus as a pre-Dorian, or "Lelegian," member of the circle of deities among whom the Mother was chief. He was probably at once Cabirus, Dactyl, and armed dancer. That he was the last is implied not only by his place among the Curetes, but also by the fact that his name is that of the famous dance at Sparta. 263

The study of the Curetes of Laconia yields evidence in accord with that gathered from other courses of reasoning adopted above. The forerunners of the Hellenes in Laconia seem to have been akin to the people of Acarnania, where Apollo was the patron of the Curetes, the original home of the prophet Carneüs. They seem also to have been related to the race who worshipped the Mother under the type of the goddess of Ephesus.

It must be concluded, therefore, that Artemis Astrateia was a form of Ephesia, and that Apollo Amazonius was the prophet-archer who was worshipped with her at Ephesus, and whose cult belonged to Phrygians, Lycians, Cretans, and the pre-Hellenic folk of Greece.


40:193 Paus. 3. 25, 1-3. Pausanias quotes Pindar on Silenus, "the zealous beater of the ground in the dance."

40:194 Paus. 1. 41, 7.

41:195 Iliad, 1. 38-39, and schol. ad I.; ibid. 451; Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἴλιον, Τένεδος; Paus. 10. 12, 1-6. Pausanias (l. c.) gives an account of the Sibyl Herophile, conceived to have been the second who filled the office at Delphi. The god whom she served was evidently identified with Smintheus. Herophile was called in some epic sources Artemis, in others, the wife of Apollo, in others, his daughter or a sister other than Artemis. She seems to have been in some way connected with Trojan Ida.

41:196 Cicero, De Natura Deorum, 3. 57.

41:197 Cf. Hoeck, Kreta, 3. p. 146.

41:198 P. 36.

42:199 Soph. l. c. (Oed. R. 204 ff.). The date of Sophocles in the best Greek period gives the passage special importance.

42:200 Pind. Ol. 8. 47.

42:201 Macr. Saturn. 1. 17-18.

43:202 Farnell, op. cit. 2. p. 485. Elsewhere (2. p. 473) Farnell speaks of the identification between Artemis and the Semitic goddesses, Astarte, Derceto, Atargatis.

43:203 Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings, p. 119.

43:204 Paus. 4. 13, 1.

43:205 Paus. 3. 16, 8.

43:206 Paus. 3. 16, 7-9.

43:207 Xen. Hell. 4. 2, 20.

43:208 Pollux, 8. 91.

44:209 Paus. 7. 26, 2-3.

44:210 Paus. 4. 31, 8.

44:211 Farnell (op. cit. 2. p. 471) suggests that Laphria is derived from λάφυρα. For a coin of Messene, which may represent Laphria, showing a woman huntress with a spear v. Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Numism. Comment. on Paus. p. 67, pl. P3.

44:212 C. I. G. 2693.

44:213 Le Bas, Îles, 2062.

44:214 C. I. G. 3137. Cf. Tac. Ann. 3. 63.

44:215 Paus. 8. 47, 6.

44:216 Paus. 3. 14, 6.

44:217 Cic. De Nat. Deor. 2. 27, 68; Paus. 1. 18, 5; 2. 22, 6-7; 7. 23, 5-7; 8. 21, 3. The Orphic Hymn to Artemis confuses her with Eileithyia and Hecate.

45:218 On the Carnea, the chief festival of Sparta, v. Herod. 7. 206; 8. 72. This festival commemorated the Dorian conquest. Therefore during its celebration the people remained under arms and lived camp life. The feast was also one of harvest. Cf. the Jewish Feast of Tabernacles for a striking parallel. V. Mommsen, Heort.

45:219 Paus. 3. 13, 3-5.

46:220 Paus. 8. 24, 9. Apollo is called the patron of the Curetes against the Aetolians, Paus. 10. 31, 3.

46:221 V. references in n. 217.

46:222 Paus. 8. 37, 1.

46:223 On the sanctuary of Despoena v. Paus. 8. 37, 1 ff.

46:224 On the Titanes v. J. E. Harrison, British School Annual, 1908-09, pp. 308-338.

47:225 Harrison and Verrall, Myth. and Mons. of Anc. Athens, p. 383.

47:226 Ch. II, The Great Mother.

47:227 Pollux, 8. 106.

47:228 Paus. 9. 35, 1-7. The other Hora was Carpo.

47:229 With Paus. 9. 35, 1-7 cf. Herod. 2. 50. Pausanias ascribes to Eteocles of Orchomenus the introduction of three Charites. Herodotus names the Charites among the aboriginal deities of the Hellenes.

47:230 C. I. A. 4. 2, 1161 b; Lolling in Δελτ. Ἄρχ. 1891, pp. 25 ff., 126 ff.; Homolle in Bull. de Correspondance Hellén. 15 (1891), pp. 340 ff.

47:231 C. I. A. 2. 741, Fr. a, 20; b, 14, 1207, 7; Judeich, Topographie v. Athen (Müller's Handb. d. klass. Altertumste. 3. 2, 2) p. 400.

48:232 On the types of warlike Artemis v. supra, pp. 43-44.

49:233 Paus. 7. 18, 11-13.

49:234 For references v. n.  118.

49:235 Cf. Farnell op. cit. 2. pp. 474-475.

49:236 V. n. n.  122,  205.

50:237 Cic. De Nat. Deor. 3. 23, 59.

50:238 Cf. Paus. 1. 14, 7; 3. 23, 1. V. infra, ch. V, Ares.

50:239 Possibly there is some support for Farnell's hypothesis, that Astrateia is a corruption for Astarte, in the words of St. Stephen's sermon recording the apostasy of the Jews to the Syrian goddess: ἔστρεψεν δὲ ὁ Θεὸς καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτοὺς λατρεύειν τῇ στρατιᾷ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, Acts, 7. 42.

51:240 V. supra, pp. 45-46.

51:241 Paus. 3. 18, 6-19, 5. V. Frazer's commentary on the passage.

51:242 Paus. 3. 2, 6; 3. 19, 6.

51:243 Paus. 3. 19, 6. There was a dispute between Amyclae and Mycenae, each of them claiming to possess the tomb of Cassandra (Paus. 2. 16, 6). The word Alexandra suggests the Trojan name of Paris. It implies a woman warrior, or one averse to marriage. In the latter connotation it suggests Cassandra's refusal to marry Apollo after she had obtained from him the gift of prophecy; it suggests also the other famous story of the sacrilege of Ajax.

51:244 Paus. 3. 26, 5.

52:245 From the Agamemnon of Aeschylus it is to be inferred that the cult epithets of Trojan Apollo were Loxias and Agyieus, the names by which Cassandra cries to him. Loxias has the same significance, Eumen. 19.

52:246 On the Hyacinthia v. Paus. 3. 19, 3-4; Athen. 4; Ovid, Met. 10. 219. In the Laconian myth Hyacinthus was the son of Amyclas, one of the autochthonous kings of Sparta. He became the favourite of Apollo, by whom he was accidentally slain. The legend presents parallels to the story of Agdistis and Atys and that of Aphrodite and Adonis. On the tale v. Paus. 3. 1, 3; 3. 10, 1. A legend of Salamis connected the origin of the hyacinth with the death of Ajax.

53:247 Paus. l. c. (3. 25, 1-3).

53:248 Paus. 3. 25, 1.

54:249 Apollod. 1. 7, 6.

54:250 Paus. S. 24, 9. It is interesting to compare the suggestion that the Cabiri were a primitive folk of Boeotia (Paus. 9. 25, 6).

54:251 Il. 9. 527-599. Cf. Bacchylides, 5. 76-164.

54:252 Paus, 10. 31, 3.

54:253 Apollod. 1. 8, 2; Ovid, Met. S. 300; Hyg. Fab. 173.

54:254 Iliad. 9. 557-560; Apollod. 1. 7, 9; Schol. Iliad (Ven.), 9. 553; Schol. Pind. Isth. 4. 92 (quoting Bacchylides).

55:255 Iliad, 9. 565-572; Apollod. 1. 8, 1; Eurip. Meleager, Fr. 1.

55:256 Schol. Ap. Rh. 1. 146.

55:257 Paus. 3. 1, 1; 4. 1, 1.

55:258 V. supra, ch. II, p. 23. Cf. Paus. 10. 38, 7. V. Toepffer, Attische Genealogie, p. 220.

55:259 V. supra, ch. III, pp. 35 ff.

55:260 Pind. ap. Paus. l. c. (3. 35, 2).

55:261 Herod. 7. 26; 8. 138; Paus. 1. 4, 5; 2. 7, 9.

56:262 Cic. De Nat. Deor. 3. 23, 58.

56:263 Athenaeus (Deipnosoph. 14. 7) ascribes the invention of the Pyrrhic dance to Athena. Plato (Legg. 796 B) says that after the gigantomachy she imparted the rite to the Dioscuri. It is noteworthy that Melampus by a dance cures the Proetides whom Dionysus has driven mad (Apollod. 2. 3, 7), and that by some theologians Melampus was reckoned as a Dioscurus along with Alco and Tmolus, sons of Atreus (Cic. De Nat. Deor. 3. 21, 53). Dionysus himself was sometimes classed as a Dioscurus, i. e. at Athens in the worship of the Anaces (Cic. l. c.).

Next: Chapter V: Ares