The legend of the Amazons was not superficially rooted at Athens. This is proved by the fact that it found expression in cult practice at one of the greater festivals of the state. Before the Thesea the Athenians annually offered sacrifice to the Amazons, thus commemorating the victory of Theseus over the women. The decisive battle was said to have been fought on the day marked by the oblation of the Boedromia. 264 Plutarch 265 bases his belief in the reality of the invasion of Attica on three points: the place names, Amazonium and Horcomosium; the presence of graves of the fallen; the yearly sacrifice to the Amazons.
The general view of ancient writers 266 is that the Amazons made the Areopagus the basis of their operations, having established their camp there in a spot thenceforth called the Amazonium 267 Aeschylus 268 derives the name of the hill itself from the fact that there the Amazons offered frequent sacrifice 269 to Ares while they held it as a citadel against the Acropolis. The statement is remarkable in view of two facts which seem to show Ares as the patron of Theseus rather
than of the Amazons: Plutarch, 270 quoting Clidemus, says that before entering the critical battle with the Amazons Theseus sacrificed to Phobus, son of Ares, and hereby won the day; the tradition 271 at Troezen told that Theseus commemorated his victory over the Amazons there by dedicating a temple to Ares at the entrance to the Genethlium.
It is therefore impossible to determine the exact relation in which Ares stood to the Amazons in the story of the invasion of Greece. All that may be said is that his name belongs to the saga of Theseus and the Amazons in the two accounts, the Attic and the Troezenian. It must be added that the saga bears the marks of great age. Herein Theseus is not an intruder, as he evidently is in the tales of the storm of Themiscyra, nor is he a substitute for Heracles. The story is primarily concerned with Theseus himself, the great hero of the two states. While in the former it is connected with ritual acts, in the latter it is hallowed by association with the Genethlium, the traditional birth-place of Theseus. 272 Moreover, on the tradition of the Amazons at Troezen rests the story of Hippolytus, whose sepulchre assured the safety of the nation. 273
The Attic traditions about Theseus were concerned chiefly with his adventures in Crete. With retrospect toward these the Athenians celebrated the festivals of the Oschophoria, the Pyanepsia, and the Thesea. Ariadne, as it has been stated, 274 was probably a Cretan goddess, with whose worship at Athens are to be connected the rites of the Oschophoria, wherein two youths disguised as maidens led the girls' chorus. The implication
is that the Oriental idea of sex confusion was associated with the festival. It seems therefore that the ceremonies instituted by Theseus reflect the Anatolian worship of Cybele. It accords with the customary restraint of Hellenic habits that the Oriental idea shown in the cults of Cybele, Ephesian Artemis, and the Syrian Goddess, manifested itself at Athens merely in a pleasing masque. The name of Theseus also connected Troezen with Crete. Phaedra, the wife with whom he lived at Troezen, is famous as the destroyer of the Amazon's son, Hippolytus, and as another princess of the house of Minos. Thus in its twofold aspect the tradition of Theseus suggests the time when "Minoan" Crete was pre-eminent. It maybe that the association of the Amazon legend with the tale of Theseus is to be ascribed to some such source. In that case Ares, a deity whose cult had slight prominence in Greece, might by reason of his place in the saga of Theseus and the Amazons, be connected with the cult of Aphrodite-Ariadne. There is this suggestion in a note from Olen which Pausanias 275 inserts in the account of his visit to the shrine of Hebe at Phlius. Olen connects Ares with Hebe as her own brother, born of Hera. Her shrine at Phlius is shown to be very old by the fact that her worship here was in the strictest sense aniconic. Her annual festival of the "Ivy-Cuttings" has al hint of Dionysus and even of the ivy-shaped shields of the Amazons. From other sources it may be gathered that she was akin to Aphrodite-Ariadne. 276 Pausanias says that Hebe was substituted for her more ancient name, Ganymeda. In this there is reminiscence of the Trojan youth caught tip to heaven by Zeus. The feminine form implies the appropriation by one sex of the characteristics of the other. This might belong naturally to a Phrygian legend.
A search for parallels to the association which Aeschylus
mentions between Ares and the Amazons discovers first of all, as most striking, the legend told of the statue of Ares Γυναικο-θοίνας in the market-place at Tegea. 277 The statue was explained as the dedication of a band of Tegeate women who had won a victory over the Spartans in the time of King Charillus of Sparta. After peace was established the women instituted a festival in honour of Ares. Since men were excluded from the sacrifice and sacred banquet, the god was called "Entertainer of Women." It is interesting to find such a tale in Arcadian Tegea, the home of Atalanta, herself similar to the Amazons. It is worth bearing in mind that Atalanta won the spoils of the Calydonian hunt in the country of the Aetolians and Curetes, the kindred of the folk of pre-historic Pyrrhichus. In the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, which contained these spoils, 278 Marpessa, leader of the women who honoured Ares, dedicated her shield. 279
In the immediate neighbourhood of Tegea there was a shrine of Ares Ἀφνειός, 280 situated on a mountain of which the name Cresium implies the worship of Cretan Dionysus. 281 The epithet was explained by the story that Ares enabled his child Aëropus to draw milk from the breasts of his mother after her death. The mother Aërope, grand-daughter of Aleus, was akin to Atalanta. The lifetime of her child by Ares was placed in the generation preceding the Dorian Invasion. 282
Elsewhere in Arcadia,--at Megalopolis 283 and near Acacesium 284--there were monuments attesting the foundation of the cult of Ares in this canton in early days. With this
should be compared the statement of Arnobius, 285 that there was a legend of thirteen months' servitude exacted of Ares in Arcadia. The general tendency of all the evidence is in support of the theory that the cult of Ares Γυναικοθοίνας originated in primitive times.
There were two other legends of armed women in Greece, both localised, like the Tegeate story, in the Peloponnese. A statue of Ares at Argos was explained as the dedication of a band of women under the poetess Telesilla who had won a victory over the Spartans. 286 The other legend belonged to Sparta. Here a troop of women commemorated their victory over the Messenians by founding a temple to Aphrodite. 287 The most obvious interpretation of the epithet is to derive it from Ares and to render it "Warlike." It is used of Athena in three oaths of alliance suggestive of the martial character of the goddess. 288 The Athenians built a temple to Athena Ἀρεία at Plataea, constructed from the spoils of Marathon. 289 After his acquittal on the Areopagus Orestes is said to have dedicated an altar to Athena Ἀρεία. 290 In this the reference is evidently to the name of the hill on which the court sat which the Greeks themselves, however mistaken they may have been in their etymology, certainly connected with Ares. 291 These instances of the use of the epithet favour the idea that it was derived from the name of Ares. It may be argued that Aphrodite Ἀρεία was a type of the goddess conceived as guardian of the state. In this aspect she was more frequently worshipped at Sparta than elsewhere in Greece. The probabilities are that she was
represented armed. 292 This political goddess of Sparta was the Oriental Aphrodite, called Urania. The fact that one group of armed women gave special honour to Ares, another to Aphrodite Ἀρεία, is of importance to the investigation. The hint that the two deities were in some way associated suggests connection between Ares and the Anatolian cult of the warlike Mother whom the Amazons worshipped.
It would seem that the connection between Ares and the Warlike Aphrodite was not slight. At Thebes the joint cult of the two as a conjugal pair was established at an early date, 293 and their union was said to have given rise to the Cadmean family and thence to Dionysus. Through marriage with Harmonia, daughter of Ares and Aphrodite, Cadmus obtained the throne, and from the teeth of the serpent sacred to Ares he raised up the famous crop of warriors. 294 Tümpell 295 believes that the joint cult of Ares and Aphrodite originated at Thebes, and that from this city it spread through Greece, acquiring prominence in Attica and Arcadia. He finds the goddess to be the Oriental Urania, yet, strangely enough, he is unwilling to believe that she was conceived as an armed goddess in the earliest times at Thebes.
In Laconia, where Warlike Aphrodite, or Urania, was specially reverenced, the cult of Ares was more dignified and apparently more ancient than in other parts of Greece. Epicharmus is said to have claimed the deity as a Spartan. 296 Under the name Enyalius he was worshipped by the Spartan ephebes. 297 Each of the two bands into which the youths were
divided sacrificed a puppy to him, performing the ceremony at night in the Phoebaeum near Therapne. The ritual bears throughout the marks of primitive times. The most striking detail is the sacrifice of dogs, in mentioning which Pausanias remarks that he knows of only one other instance, namely, to Enodia, or Hecate, at Colophon. There are, however, other records of the practice, 298 in which it is noteworthy that the custom belongs to the worship of Hecate. Ares was worshipped under his own name at Therapne in a temple which Pausanias 299 describes as one of the earliest monuments in the region. The cult legend was that the image was brought from Colchis by the Dioscuri. The god had a strange epithet, Theritas, supposedly derived from Thero, the name of his nurse. Pausanias is so dissatisfied with this etymology that he suggests that the word was learned from the Colchians and was unintelligible to the Greeks. Wide 300 states a plausible hypothesis, that the cult was of Boeotian origin, basing his theory on the affiliations of the word Theritas. It may, however, have been a very early indigenous cult, for Therapne was evidently an important pre-Dorian site, as excavations have proved. 301 Here the Dioscuri received special honours, and Helen was worshipped from old times as a nature goddess. 302 Pausanias 303 was told that the town was named from a daughter of Lelex. It is possible to infer that the cult of Ares Theritas, in which the temple was one of the oldest monuments in a region where pre-Dorian influence was strong, was "Lelegian." The people who established it would thus be akin to the Curetes of Aetolia and Acarnania. The connection with the Dioscuri favours the theory. 304
There are two other examples of the Laconian worship of Ares. As Enyalius 305 he had a statue at Sparta near the Dromos, which represented him in fetters. In Ancient Village, a hamlet near Geronthrae, he had a sacred grove and temple. Here there was an annual festival from which women were excluded. 306
It is, on the whole, safe to conclude that in Laconia Ares was revered in early times. The cult may have been indigenous among the pre-Dorians, or it may have been an importation from Boeotia, where he was worshipped with Aphrodite. Possibly the Fettered Ares of Sparta should be connected with a Fettered Aphrodite 307 in the same city. The two types may have given rise to a tale like that of Arcadia, of the servitude of Ares, 308 and the "lay of Demodocus" in the Odyssey could be referred to some such myth. Traditions of armed women in Tegea and in Sparta serve to connect Ares in Arcadia with Aphrodite Ἀρεία in Sparta.
There are not many traces of the cult of Ares elsewhere in Greece. The mythical genealogies of northern Greece associated him with Minyan Orchomenus, 309 Minyan Thessaly, 310 Curetis, 311 and Aetolia. 312 Mention has already been made of Thebes. At Athens 313 he was said to have been the father of Alcippe by Aglaurus, a primitive goddess. In the Peloponnese he was connected by genealogical legends with
[paragraph continues] Tegea, 314 Elis, 315 and Tritea in Achaea. 316 It is impossible to give much weight to such myths unsupported by further evidence, inasmuch as there was a tendency among Greek writers of all times to consider any famous warrior of the heroic age a son of Ares. The statement applies also to warlike races like the Phlegyae, mentioned by Homer and other poets.
This investigation of the worship of Ares in Greece proper yields two important results: first, it tends to indicate that the god was worshipped in primitive times; secondly, in the relation between the cult of Ares and that of the Oriental Aphrodite at an early date in Thebes, and in the hints of a similar connection in Arcadia and Laconia, there is the suggestion of contact with the Amazons, who worshipped a goddess resembling this Aphrodite. This raises the question whether the period may be determined in which the joint cult originated in Greek lands.
Farnell 317 conjectures that at Thebes the Oriental goddess was brought from the east by the "Cadmeans," while Ares was an ancient god of the land. He believes that "by the fiction of a marriage" her cult was reconciled to the older worship. The hostility of Cadmus toward the sacred serpent of Ares and the wrath of the god against the hero are legendary details which support some such theory as this. Cadmus seems to have been a late comer, for he is not mentioned in the Homeric poems, where Amphion and Zethus are named as the founders of Thebes. 318 It looks as if in Elis also a form of the Oriental Aphrodite was reconciled with an indigenous cult
[paragraph continues] of Ares. Here the genealogical myth is not the only evidence for the worship of Ares; an altar to Ares in the race-course at Olympia attests the cult. 319 By the legend Pelops married Hippodamia, granddaughter to Ares. Hesychius 320 identifies her with Aphrodite, and Pelops, like Cadmus, was conceived as coming from the east. 321 The parallel is practically exact. In the case of Pelops the legends which connect him with Lydia and Paphlagonia are more plausibly interpreted as reflexes of Hellenic settlement in Asia Minor than as the record of the planting of an Asiatic colony near Olympia. 322 Therefore the cult of Aphrodite-Hippodamia would seem to have come into Elis by means of religious influence flowing back from the stream of emigration to the cast. Thus the Elean parallel would be of service to Farnell's argument. The Attic myth of Theseus tends, however, to support the opposite theory. This saga certainly preserved flue memory of the predominance of Crete in the Aegean. 323 Thus Aphrodite-Ariadne probably belonged to the pre-Hellenic inhabitants of Attica. It may be stated as an hypothesis that Ares was also worshipped in very early times at Athens. The evidence is this: his connection with Aglaurus, who seems to have been a primitive goddess; 324 the invocation of Ares and Enyalius in the ephebes' oath, which associates him with Aglaurus, the Attic Charites, and Hegemone; 325 the well established cult of Ares in the fifth century on the lower slopes of the Areopagus. 326 The association with Hegemone is of special value, inasmuch as the epithet belongs to Aphrodite and to an Artemis similar to Astrateia.
The only direct information so far given concerning the worship of Ares by the Amazons comes from Athens. 327 Therefore it is reasonable to lay stress on the legend of the Oriental Aphrodite in this state 328 Yet we have no explicit statement that she was related to Ares in his capacity of patron of the Amazons. The nearest approach to a solution of the problem is possibly to be found in the ancient association between Ares and Enyo 329 Enyo was apparently identified with the armed goddess of Cappadocia who was known as Mâ, who, in turn, was identified with Cybele as Mother of the Gods. 330 Aphrodite-Ariadne and the Armed Aphrodite are in a measure forms of the Mother. Hence by an equation Aphrodite under these two types becomes identical with Enyo, the companion of Ares.
The evidence thus far gathered for a relation between Ares and the Amazons may be stated. (1) Aeschylus mentions their habitual worship of this god while they were besieging Athens; (2) Plutarch represents Theseus at this time sacrificing to Phobus, son of Ares; (3) Pausanias describes the temple of Ares at Troezen as a trophy of the victory of Theseus over the Amazons; (4) in the association between Ares and Aphrodite in several places, in similar association between Ares and Enyo, and in the identification both of this Aphrodite and of Enyo with the Mother whom the Amazons worshipped, there are obscure indications of his belonging to the rites of the Mother; (5) there are fairly good reasons for holding that Ares was an early, or pre-Hellenic god. According to this evidence it is presumable that the connection between Ares and the Amazons was indirect rather than direct. A striking
fact should be added. Wherever there were memorials of the Amazons in Greece--at Athens, Troezen, Megara and Chaeronea in Boeotia, Chalcis in Euboea, 331 Thessaly 332--there are some indications in each canton that the cult of Ares was there in early times.
There are two other sets of records which belong to the discussion of the cult of Ares in its relation to the Amazons. Of these the first is a small group of ancient references to the Amazons as children of Ares. Euripides 333 terms them Ἀρείας κόρας, a phrase echoed in the Latin Mavortia applied to one of them. 334 The term is of no value toward establishing a theory of a cult relation with Ares, for it as colourless as are the familiar epic phrases, ὄζος Ἄρηος and θεράποντες Άρηος, applied to warriors. Elsewhere, however, the Amazons are conceived as actually daughters of the god. The stock genealogy assigned to the race made them the children of Ares and Harmonia 335 while Otrere is individually named as the child of these parents. 336 Harmonia's name is easily associated with that of Ares, since in Theban legends she appears as his daughter. It is therefore tempting to see in the mother of the race the goddess Aphrodite. But it is impossible to follow out the clue. The relationship is manifestly a stereotyped one,
manufactured by logographers. Furthermore, the mother is not consistently called Harmonia. At times she appears as Armenia 337 from which it may be inferred that the name of the mother of the Amazons came from the study of geography, and that Harmonia's crept in as a corruption. Arctinus 338 called Penthesilea a Thracian and the daughter of Ares. Possibly the theory that the race in general were children of Ares may have originated thus, or in some other poem of the Cycle. If the Amazons had not been conspicuously warriors, and if it were not at first sight a figure of speech to term a band of women the children of the war-god, it would be easier to judge whether these statements are poetical or representations of the view of genealogists.
The reference to Thrace is more valuable. Herodotus 339 shows that the cult of Ares was important here, for he says that the Thracians worshipped three gods, Ares, Dionysus, and Artemis. As it has been said, the sacrifice of dogs in the Spartan ritual of Enyalius finds its only parallels in the rites of Thracian Hecate. 340 Many modern authorities 341 believe that the cult of Ares was of Thracian origin. 342 The rites of Dionysus, to whom he was akin, 343 belong also to the orgiastic ceremonies of Phrygia. In general, as it has been noted, there is striking similarity between the cults of Phrygia and those of Thrace. This comes out strongly in the worship of the Mother. It is noteworthy that the custom of sacrificing dogs, a conspicuous and difficult feature in the rites of Ares and also
of Hecate, belonged to the Carian worship of Ares. 344 It should be added that at Lagina in Caria the orgiastic worship of Hecate was established with the peculiar characteristic of the cult of Cybele at Pessinus and of Artemis at Ephesus. 345 Thus from all sides the theory finds support that the cult of Ares should be classed as Thracian-Phrygian and connected with that of the Mother. The inference is that the pre-Hellenic Ares of the Greek mainland was a god of the people who had a pre-historic culture allied to the "Minoan."
Apollonius Rhodius 346 represents the Amazons engaged in a ritual as strange as the sacrifice of dogs which suggests Thrace and Caria. He relates that on "Ares island" in Pontus they sacrificed horses in the temple of Ares. An obscure record of this is apparently preserved by the Scholiast on a line in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes. 347 The scholium mentions no deity by name; it merely comments on the legend that Amazons sacrificed horses. Ares is not elsewhere than in the passage from Apollonius named as a god thus worshipped, and possibly here, even in the temple of Ares, the ritual is to be referred rather to the worship of Cybele under baetylic form than to that of Ares. The victim was a rare one among the Greeks, belonging to Apollo, Helios, the wind-gods, and especially to Poseidon. It may be that the words of Apollonius imply a connection between the cult of Ares and that of Poseidon Hippius. At Troezen the temple of Ares gave access to the Genethlium, probably a shrine of Poseidon; 348 at Athens there was the story of the murder of Halirrhothius, son of Poseidon; 349 at Olympia the altar of Ares was dedicated to
Ares Hippius. 350 The cult of Poseidon Hippius at Athens seems to have been in some way connected with that of the pre-Ionic Semnae, or Eumenides, both at Colonus Hippius and on the Areopagus. 351 Possibly the Troezenian legend of the death of Hippolytus suggests jealousy between Ares, a divinity of the Amazons, and Poseidon, the reputed father of Theseus. The ritual of horse sacrifice among the Amazons may be the basis of the tradition that they were skilful horsewomen.
The sacrifice of horses to Ares is recorded as a custom of the Scythians, 352 a people who apparently associated the horse with funerary oblations. 353
The best example of this sacrifice in the rites of the war-god comes from Rome, 354 where on October fifteenth there was an annual race of bigae in the Campus Martius, after which the near horse of the winning pair was sacrificed to Mars, and his blood was allowed to drip on the hearth of the Regia. Probably the blood of this sacrifice was afterwards mixed with the ingredients of the sacred cakes. The rite evidently was in honour of Mars as a deity of fertility. He was undoubtedly worshipped by the primitive Romans in this capacity as well as in that of warrior. 355
Apparently then the poetic legend of the Amazons' offering horses to Ares presents him in a very primitive aspect with the suggestion that he was a chthonic deity of fertility. As warrior and giver of increase he resembles Apollo Carneüs. A scholium 356 furnishes information which strengthens the supposition that he was in his primitive form a nature god. This tells of an obsolete custom in time of war, by which the
signal for attack was given by priests of Ares called πυρφόροι, who hurled lighted torches between the two armies. This suggests the orgiastic cults of Thrace and Phrygia, in which the torch was a prominent feature. It belonged also to the ceremonies of fire in honour of Mars in primitive Rome. 357
Even in ancient times there were conflicting theories concerning the provenience of the cult of Ares. Arnobius 358 says: "Quis Spartanum fuisse Martem (prodidit)? Non Epicharmus auctor vester? Quis is Thraciae finibus procreatum? Non Sophocles Atticus cunctis consentientibus theatris? Quis mensibus in Arcadia tribus et decem vinctum? Quis ei canes ab Caribus, quis ab Scythibus asinos immolari? Nonne principaliter cum ceteris Apollodorus?" The general tendency of the evidence is in the direction of the theory that Ares was an ancient god of the Thracians, of the pre-Hellenic peoples of Greece, and of the races who worshipped the Mother in Asia Minor and Crete.
As a god whom the Amazons worshipped he does not appear to have been as important as the Mother. The records of his association with them are few and confused. The best evidence is doubtless that furnished by the extant accounts of the saga of Theseus and the Amazons, to which Ares belongs, although it is not possible to define his position. The saga is of special importance in being analogous to the Ephesian tales of Heracles and Dionysus.
57:264 Plut. Thes. 27.
57:265 For Plutarch's version of the invasion (quoting Clidemus for details) v. Thes. 26-28. He finds it difficult to believe that a band of women could have conducted a campaign on the scale described in the current accounts, but finally accepts the fact. He doubts only the statement of Hellanicus, that they crossed the Cimmerian Bosphorus on the ice.
57:266 Plut. l. c.; Diod. Sic. 4. 28, 2, 3; Apollod. Epit. 1. 16; Aeschyl. Eum. 675 ff.
57:267 On the site v. Judeich, Topog. v. Athen, p. 269.
57:268 Aeschyl. Eum. 685-690.
57:269 The Greek is: πόλιν νεόπτολιν | τήνδ᾽ ὑψίπυργον ἀντεπύργωσαν τότε, | Ἄρει δ᾽ ἔθυον. It seems proper to contrast the imperfect ἔθυον with the aorist ἀντεπύργωσαν.
58:270 Plut. l. c. The verb is that employed of chthonic sacrifice, σφαγιάζω. On Phobus v. Iliad, 13. 299.
58:271 Paus. 2. 32, 9.
58:272 Cf. S. Wide, De Sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum, pp. 12 ff.
58:273 Frazer, Pausanias, 3. p. 281.
58:274 V. supra, ch. III, p. 38. For further references on the Oschophoria, v. J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 79 ff.
59:275 Paus. 2. 13, 3-4.
59:276 On this point v. Farnell, op. cit. 1. p. 200; 5. p. 126.
60:277 Paus. 8. 48, 4-5.
60:278 Paus. 8. 47, 2.
60:279 Paus. 8. 45, 5.
60:280 Paus. 8. 44, 7-8.
60:281 On Dionysus Κρήσιος v. Paus. 2. 23, 7-8.
60:282 Paus. 8. 45, 3.
60:283 Paus. 8. 32, 3. The reference is to an altar of Ares said to be old.
60:284 Paus. 8. 37, 12. The reference is to an altar of Ares in the temple of prophetic Pan above the shrine of Despoena.
61:285 Arnob. Adv. Nat. 4. 25.
61:286 Plut. Mulier. Virt. 5. Herodotus refers to the story, but not explicitly (3.76-83). Pausanias mentions the exploit, but does not speak of Ares (2.20, 8).
61:287 Lactant. De Falsa Relig. 1. 20. Cf. Paus. 3. 17, 5.
61:288 C. I. A. 2. 333; C. I. G. 3137; Fränkel, Inschr. v. Perg. 1. 13.
61:289 Paus. 9. 4, 1.
61:290 Paus. 1. 28, 5.
61:291 In ancient literature the word Areopagus is always derived from Ares.
62:292 Cf. Paus. 3. 23, 1; C. I. G. 3. p. 683, 1444; Antipater, A. A. O. 176.
62:293 In the Aeschylean Septem the Thebans call upon Ares and Cypris as the ancestors of their race (125-129).
62:294 On the marriage of Ares and Harmonia v. Hesiod, Theog. 933 ff. Cf. the stock genealogy in the Bacchae of Euripides.
62:295 Tümpel, Ares u. Aphrodite, Fleckeisen's Jahrbücher, Suppl. 1 (1880), pp. 641-754.
62:296 Arnobius, Adv. Nat. 4. 25.
62:297 Paus. 3. 14, 10; 3. 20, 2.
63:298 Rouse collects the examples, Greek Votive Offerings, p. 298, n. 9.
63:299 Paus. 3. 19, 7-9.
63:300 S. Wide, Lakonische Kulte, pp. 149 ff.
63:301 British School Annual, 15 (1908-09), pp. 108-157; 16 (1909-10), pp. 4-11.
63:302 Cf. Btsh. Sch. Annual, l. c.; Frazer, Paus. 2. pp. 358-359.
63:303 Paus. 3. 19, 9.
63:304 V. ch. IV, p. 55.
64:305 Paus. 3, 15, 7.
64:306 Paus. 3. 22, 7-8.
64:307 Paus. 3. 15, 11.
64:308 V. n. .
64:309 Ascalaphus and Ialmenus of Orchomenus, sons of Ares by Astyoche: Iliad, 2. 511-515; 9. 82; 13. 518; Paus. 9. 37, 7.
64:310 Phlegyas of Thessaly, son of Ares by Chryse of Orchomenus: Paus. 9. 36, 1-4.
64:311 Evenus and Thestius, sons of Ares by Demonice: Apollod. 1. 7, 6.
64:312 Meleager, son of Ares, rather than Oeneus, by Althaea: Apollod. 1. 8, 1; Eur. Meleager, Fr. 1.
64:313 Paus. 1. 21, 4; Mar. Par., C. I. G. 2374, 5.
65:314 Aëropus of Tegea, son of Ares by Aërope: v. supra, p. 60.
65:315 Oenomaüs, reputed son of Ares by Harpina: Paus. 5. 22, 6.
65:316 Melanippus, oecist of Tritea, son of Ares: Paus. 7. 22, 8. There was a Theban Melanippus, famous as a warrior at the time of the first attack on Thebes (Paus. 9.18, 1). There was also a Melanippus at Patrae in Achaea, who with his love Comaetho was sacrificed to Artemis Triclaria (Paus. 7. 19, 2-5).
65:317 Farnell, op. cit. 2. p. 623.
65:318 Odyssey, 11. 262. 6
66:319 Paus. 5. 15, 6.
66:320 Hesychius s.v.
66:321 Cf. Paus. 5. 13, 7.
66:322 The name Pelops first appears in the Cypria (Schol. Pind. Nem. 10. 114).
66:323 V. supra, p. 59.
66:324 V. supra, n. .
66:325 V. supra, ch. IV, p. 47.
66:326 Judeich, op. cit. p. 311.
67:327 Aeschyl. l. c. (Eum. 685-690).
67:328 Tümpel (op. cit.) finds traces of the Theban cult of Ares and Aphrodite in Attica. He does not take into consideration the connections of the legend of Ariadne.
67:329 Iliad, 5. 592.
67:330 V. supra, ch. II, p. 27, n. .
68:331 The early folk of Chalcis in Euboea seem to have been akin to the Leleges and Abantes of Boeotia. There were connections also with Chalcis of the Curetes in Aetolia. Cf. Iliad, 2. 536 ff.; Paus. 5. 22, 3-4; 9. 5, 1; 10. 35, 5. The most important connection here is that with Boeotia, where the worship of Ares certainly belonged. It is a curious fact that Chalcodon, the great Homeric hero of Euboea (Iliad, 2. 541), had an heroüm at Athens in the plain where there were many memorials of the Amazons (Plut. Thes. 27, 3).
68:332 The genealogies of Thessaly are worth considering, because they show the persistent tradition of relationship between the primitive folk of this canton and Boeotia. V. n. .
68:333 Eur. Herc. Fur. Fr. 413.
68:334 Val. Flacc. 5. 90.
68:335 For references v. n. .
68:336 Ap. Rh. 2. 389; Schol. Tzetz. Post-Hom. 8. 189; Schol. Ap. Rh. 2. 1032; Hyg. Fab. 30, 112, 163, 223, 225.
69:337 The word appears in Pherecydes, but, because the corruption may be a scribe's error, no argument can be based on this.
69:338 V. ch. I, p. 3.
69:339 Herod. 5. 7.
69:340 V. supra, pp. 26, 63.
69:341 Among them are Miss Harrison (Proleg. pp. 375-379); Tümpel (op. cit. p. 662); Farnell (op. cit. ch. on Ares), who states the theory tentatively.
69:342 Sophocles held this view (ap. Arnob. Adv. Nat. l. c.). Cf. St. Basil, who gives Ἀρεία as the old name of Thrace (s.v. Ἀρεία).
69:343 J. E. Harrison, Proleg. l. c.
70:344 Arnob. l. c. (Adv. Nat. 4. 25).
70:345 V. supra, n. .
70:346 Ap. Rh. 2. 1179; cf. 2. 387. V. supra, n. .
70:347 Aristoph. Lys. 191. Undue importance has been given to the scholium by Preller-Robert (p. 343, n. 5), but, on the other hand, Farnell, in bringing forward this criticism, fails to give due weight to the quotation from Apollonius.
70:348 V. supra, nn. , .
70:349 Paus. 1. 21, 4; 1. 28, 5.
71:350 Paus. 5. 15, 6.
71:351 Harrison and Verrall, Myth. and Mons. p. 601.
71:352 Arnob. Adv. Nat. 4. 25. On Scythian Ares cf. Herod. 4. 62.
71:353 Cf. sacrifice of horses in Scythian tumuli, Arch. Anz. 1910, 195-244.
71:354 Warde Fowler, Lustratio, pp. 186 ff.
71:355 Warde Fowler, op. cit. and J. E. Harrison, Btsh. Sch. Annual, 1908-09, pp. 331 ff.
71:356 Schol. Eur. Phoen. 1186.
72:357 J. E. Harrison, Btsh. Sch. Ann. l. c. On chthonic Ares cf. Artemid. Oneirocr. 2. 34.
72:358 Arnobius, l. c. (Adv. Nat. 4. 25).