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Pahlavi Texts, Part IV (SBE37), E.W. West, tr. [1892], at sacred-texts.com
1. Obeisance to the Mazda-worshipping religion which is opposed to the demons and is the ordinance of Aûharmazd.
2. The fourth book is matter for instruction from the statements selected, from the instruction of the good religion, by the saintly (hû-fravardŏ) Âtûr-farnbag 1, son of Farukhŏ-zâd and leader of those of the good religion.
3. From the Selection of Customary Instruction 2 there is this:—Number one is the actual original evolution 3, resembling only himself and not designed (kimîk). 4. Number two, the duplication of the first among those akin (khvêsîgân) owing to the consciousness of creation—which is the first—is Vohûman; but it is his origin, concealed from the destroyer, which is the reason of the creation.
. . . . . . . . .
10. Number three is the original creature Ashavahist 4—due to development among those akin, one out of another—who possesses the third place among the archangels, for the reverence of the first.
. . . . . . . . .
12. Number four, the perfect sovereignty among
those akin, is named Shatraver 1, the necessity of the stored-up (avar-gûdŏ) nature of a spiritual lord arisen from the reverence of the perfectly just doer Ashavahist, who is the third in arising from him who is the second, Vohûman, who is the first creature. . . . . 19. So, too, the sovereignty of the religion is ever specially good sovereignty and triumphant, and the true religion is confident; the will of the sacred beings in the world is progress, and the comprisal of every knowledge is in the Mazda-worshipping religion; the correct attainment of its good sovereignty and their joint statement are together really on account of their concealed good protection and progressive production, one for the other. 20. They strive for the powerful maintenance of the religious good monarchy of rulers, trusty in religion through practising Mazda-worship; the law of the rulers is custom, and their custom is religious.
21. Vistâsp 2, the king when he became relieved (pardakhtŏ) from the war with Ar’gâsp 3, sent to the chief rulers about the acceptance of the religion, 'and the writings 4 of the Mazda-worshipping religion, which are studded with all knowledge through resources and learning of many kinds, and also the tongue of a Magian man (Magôî-gabrâ), arisen in the very same instructed duty, it is expedient you should send (sedrûnêdŏ) therewith.' 22. Now
[paragraph continues] Arezrâspô 1, and others from outside of Khvanîras 2, came to Frashôstar for religious enquiry, with complete intelligence for the most who did so.
23. Dârâî 3, son of Dârâî, ordered the preservation of two written copies of the whole Avesta and Zand, according to the receiving of it by Zaratûst from Aûharmazd; one in the treasury of Shapîgân 4, and one in the fortress of written documents.
24. Valkhas 5, descendant of Askân, in each district, just as he had come forth, ordered the careful preservation, and making of memoranda for the royal city (shatrô shahag), of the Avesta and Zand as it had purely come unto them, and also of whatever instruction (âmûkŏ-k), due to it, had remained written about, as well as deliverable by the tongue through a high-priest, in a scattered state in the country of Irân, owing to the ravages and devastation of Alexander and the cavalry and infantry of the Arûmans 6.
25. That (valman-1-î) Artakhshatar 1, king of kings, who was son of Pâpak, summoned Tôsar, and also all that scattered instruction (âmûkŏ), as true authority, to the capital; Tôsar having arrived, him alone he approved, and, dismissing the rest of the high-priests, he also gave this command, namely: 'For us every other exposition of the Mazda-worshipping religion becomes removed, because even now there is no information or knowledge of it below.'
26. Shahpûhar 2, king of kings and son of Artakhshatar, again brought together also the writings which were distinct from religion, about the investigation of medicine and astronomy, time, place, and quality, creation (dahisnŏ), existence, and destruction (vinâsisnŏ), the submission of a wild beast 3, evidence, and other records and resources that were scattered among the Hindûs, and in Arûm 4 and other lands; and he ordered their collocation again with the Avesta, and the presentation of a correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapîgân 5; and the settlement (astînîdanŏ) of all the erring upon the Mazda-worshipping religion, for proper consideration, was effected.
27. Shahpûhar 6, king of kings and son of Aûharmazd, instituted a tribunal (âvân âhankŏ kardŏ) for the controversy of the inhabitants of all regions,
and brought all statements to proper consideration and investigation; and after the preservation of Âtûrpâd 1, through the statement which he maintained (pasâkhtŏ) with all those of different sects, and the Nasks were enumerated, he also spoke this even to those who were heterodox, namely: 'Now, when the religion is recognised by us in the worldly existence, we do most diligently endeavour that they shall not allow the infidelity (agdênôîh) of any one whatever;' and he acted accordingly.
28. This (le-denman-1-î 2) Khûsrôî 3, king of kings who is son of Kavâd, as apostasy and tyranny were fully antagonistically smitten by him 4, and information and redoubled proper consideration were abundantly augmented—through a declaration from the religion unto every apostasy of the four classes (pîsakŏ)—also spoke even this as to winning the sacred beings (yazdân kharîdîh), namely: ‘The truth of the Mazda-worshipping religion is fully understood, and the intelligent are steadfastly capable through proper consideration; but recognition by the worldly existence has mostly become exceedingly scattered, and the particulars are not possible through proper consideration, but through purity of thought,
word, and deed, and the statements of the good spirit, the liturgical ceremonial of the sacred beings with purity.
29. ‘We also call, each of those called by us, a priest of Aûharmazd, whose perception of the spiritual existence is manifested unto us; and our wide resources, the perception of the spiritual existence and the example of the worldly one, are likewise indications of both natures that are complete. 30. And we invite (bavîhûnêm) those invited 1, even with that excellence and efficiency which are due to them, on account of which the sacred beings are predominantly over Irân; the country of Irân having proceeded onwards through instruction from the Mazda-worshipping religion which the ancients celebrated. 31. The knowledge of the sociable ceremonial (ham-yazisnîh)—for which, indeed, those of the intelligent of disunited Khvanîras are not in a dispute of antagonism—is, in that way, mostly the sonorous (aêvâzîk) Avesta, in the pure statement of the writing adornable by memoranda of particulars; and even the simple wordless (avâkîk) mode is maintained in the announcement of the statement.
32. ‘Even then all the domestic (khânîk) knowledge of the Mazda-worshipping religion is really on this account, which is understood by us, that, when all are intellectual (vîr-hômônd), and the proper consideration of a stranger (bîgânakŏ) is owing to the world of the Mazda-worshipping religion, they arrive at this place. 33. But through the new possession and proper consideration of the stranger, owing to the Mazda-worshipping religion, they are
not capable of bringing about so much acquirement and manifestation of knowledge, for the advantage and open duty of the worldly existence, as is in the recitation of a priestly master through much investigation, and is abundantly well-considered. 34. And. if we command, with the utmost solicitude, the proper consideration of the Avesta and Zand of the primitive Magian statements (Magôî-gobisnŏ), which are more humbly observant, better disposed, good, and ever renewed uneffacedly, as well as an increase of acquirement worthily therefrom, for the knowledge of those of the world, there is no necessity of first acquiring the quality of creation from the creator, by those who are worldly existences, for understanding the creator and the marvellousness of the spiritual existences; or all necessity of acquiring is said to be longing through scanty knowledge.
35. ‘They who are a counterpart (aêdûnŏîh) of manifestation from the religion—and even through the resemblance there is a possibility of the existence of understanding—are mentioned as effecting proper consideration (hû-sikâl-gar); and he who has to exhibit enlightenment (rôshanô) through knowledge, has to maintain acquaintance with the religion. 36. And since the origin of every knowledge is the religion, alike through spiritual power, and alike through worldly manifestation 1, that which any one has wisely spoken—even though not considered by him as similarly beheld (ham-dîdŏ) by any Avesta declaration—is still then accounted as a manifestation from the religion, whose business is
bringing forth offspring for the sacred beings through instruction.’
37 1. . . . . . . . . .
410:2 This book commences with an account of the seven archangels, and, illustrative of the 'desirable dominion' personified in Shatraver, the fourth of them, a statement is made of the legendary history of the efforts made by the good rulers, from Vistâsp to Khûsrôî Anôsharavân, for the preservation of Avesta and Pahlavi p. 411 literature. Most of this statement has been already translated at the end of Haug's Essay on Pahlavi, from a less perfect MS. than B, but, as some of the accompanying text is obscure, it has now been necessary to translate the whole of it to ascertain its connection clearly, although only so much of this translation is here given as will indicate this connection in a general way.
411:1 Who held a religious disputation with the accursed Abâlis in the presence of the Khalîfah Al-Mâmûn (A.D. 813-833), as stated in the Mâdîgân-î Gugastak Abâlis. He appears to have been the first compiler of the Dinkard, especially of its first two Books which are still undiscovered (see Dk. III, Chap. last, 9, in Introduction; Sg, IV, 107, IX, 3, X, 55). Dk. IV, V are taken from his statements, as well as a portion of Dk. III, Chap. CXLII.
411:2 Âyûînŏ âmûkŏ vigînŏ, evidently the name of a treatise compiled by Âtûr-farnbag.
411:3 That is, Aûharmazd.
411:4 See Dk. VIII, Chap. XXXVII, 14.
412:1 See Dk. IX, Chap. XLIII, 1.
412:2 See Dk. VIII, Chaps. XI, 1, XIII, 15.
412:3 Ibid. XI, 4.
412:4 Haug's MS. omits this passage: val sar-khûdâyân madam padîrôftanŏ-î dênô firîstakŏ, va-nipîkîhâ-î; and, even when it is supplied from B, a few more words appear to be still wanting.
413:1 Evidently the same person as Arezrâspâh (Dk. IX, Chap. XXI, 24), the supreme high-priest of the northern region Vîdadafsh (Bd. XXIX, 1). In Dk. VII it is also stated that Spîtôîs and Arezrâspô came to Frashôstar, seeking information about the religion, 57 years after it had been received by Zaratûst who appears to have departed to the best existence ten years before.
413:2 See Dk. VIII, Chap. VIII, 2.
413:3 According to Bd. XXXIV, 8 and the Persian Rivâyats, which teach a chronology of their own, this Dârâî was the predecessor of Alexander and reigned fourteen years; his father reigning twelve years.
413:4 It is hazardous to read 'the royal (shâyagân) treasury' because the name, which occurs seven times in the Dinkard, is five times spelt Shapîgân, and twice Shaspîgân.
413:5 Probably Vologeses I, who was a contemporary of Nero and appears to have been a Mazda-worshipper (see S.B.E., vol. iv, p. xxxiv).
413:6 The older Greeks were so called by the Persians in Sasanian p. 414 times, because they came from the same quarter as the later armies of the eastern empire of the Romans.
414:1 The first Sasanian king, who reigned A.D. 226-240.
414:2 The second Sasanian king, who reigned A.D. 240-271.
414:3 Doubtful; but it is difficult to find a more probable meaning for dadakŏ hêrîh.
414:4 The eastern empire of the Romans.
414:5 See § 23.
414:6 The ninth Sasanian king, who reigned A.D. 309-379.
415:1 See Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 22.
415:2 Literally 'this one who is,' which, applied to a person near at hand, is a phrase analogous to valman-1-î, 'that one who is,' applied in § 25 to a person more remote. The oblique case le-denman of the demonstrative pronoun, which occurs very rarely, is analogous to the oblique cases li, lanman, lak, lekûm of the personal pronouns, which occur constantly.
415:3 The twentieth Sasanian king, who reigned A.D. 531-579; he was surnamed Anôsharavân, 'immortal-soulled.'
415:4 Referring to his extirpation of the heresy of Mazdak, A.D. 528, before he came to the throne.
416:1 As in Yas. II.
417:1 Assuming that pêdâkîh-înîdârîh stands for pêdâkînîdârîh.
418:1 Then follows a briefer account of the remaining three archangels.