Chapter III

The Pâz. MSS. insert, 'and black clothing' here.

Literally, 'black-marked,' or possibly, 'black standard.'

The Pâz. MSS. add, 'the leathern-belted Tûrks,' that is, people of Turkistân.

This fiend appears to be a personification of Christianity or 'ecclesiasticism' (Kilisyâkîh, see Chap. II, 19), and the writer seems to place his appearance some time in the middle ages, probably before the end of the thirteenth century (see the note on § 44). Darmesteter suggests that Shêdâsp may have been intended as a modern counterpart of Bêvarâsp (Az-i Dahâk), the ancient tyrant; and that this Christian invasion may be a reminiscence of the crusades.

I have formerly read Mûsulmân instead of min Salmân, and hence concluded that the text must have been written long p. 216 after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia; but this reading is irreconcilable with the context. The position of Salmân (Av. Sairima) is defined by Bund. XX, 12, which places the sources of the Tigris in that country.

The name. of a commentator, or commentary, often quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad, and other texts. Mâhvand-dâd is mentioned in the Pahlavi Yasna (see Sls. I, 4).

The Pâz. MSS. state that 'Mercury and Jupiter beat down the strength of Venus.'

Here written Arang, Arand, or Arvad, but as it is Arvand in §§ 21, 38, that reading seems preferable, the difference between the two names in Pahlavi being merely a single stroke. The Arvand is the Tigris, and the Arang probably the Araxes (see SZS. VI, 20, Bund. XX, 8)..

Literally, 'there are and were some who said;' this phrase occurs several times in the latter part of this text.

The Euphrates.

Or, 'of strict reckoning,' reading sâkht amâr, but both reading and meaning are very uncertain. As it stands in K26 it p. 217 may be sâkht gumâl, 'extreme beauty,' or Sâkhtîmâr (the name of a place), or this may stand for sâkht tîmâr, 'severe misfortune;' and other readings are possible.

It is not quite clear which party will turn the other back.

Literally, 'extender,' that is, one engaged in extending his own dominions.

The remainder of this § (except the verb 'remain') is Pâzand written in Persian characters in K20.

Possibly the Karmak of Chap. II, 49. In § 20 the Kurd and Karmân (or Karms) may refer to the Tûrk and Karm of this §, so it is doubtful whether Tûrk or Kurd is meant.

Or, 'for the encounter,' pavan ham-rasisnîh.

See Bund. XXXI, 25, XXXIV, 7. The letters are here joined together, so as to become Kai-gâûs, and this form of the name is p. 218 often read Kâhûs or Kahôs in Pâzand (see Mkh. VIII, 27, XXVII, 54, LVII, 21). The Pâz. MSS. omit § 9.

See Bund. XII, 32, 33.

See Bund. XXIV, 16.

Perhaps 'one' is meant, as hanâ, 'this,' is sometimes substituted for aê, 'one,' both being read e in Pâzand.

The reading of this name is quite uncertain.

See Chap. II, 63. The whole of the final clause of this section, about the fire Visnâsp, is inserted parenthetically at this point in the Pahlavi text.

Elsewhere called Gûsnasp, Gûsnâsp, or Gûsasp (see SZS. VI, 22).

The most obvious reading of this word is mâhîk, 'fish,' which can hardly be reconciled with the context. The view here taken is that the writer was translating from an Avesta text, and met p. 219 with the word kithra, which means both pêdâk, 'clear,' and tôkhmak, 'originating,' but to express the latter meaning he used the synonym mâyakîk, which can be written exactly like mâhîk. Owing to the involved character of this section it is not very clear in English, but it is still more obscure in the Pahlavi text, in which the whole of this clause about the fire is inserted parenthetically after the first mention of Padashkhvârgar.

This last clause may be read several ways, and it is by no means easy to ascertain clearly the chronological order of the events which are jumbled together in this last chapter. But it would appear that Zaratûst's millennium was to end at a time when the religion was undisturbed, and just before the incursion of the demons or idolators, the details of which have been given in Chap. II, 22-III, 11, and which is the first event of Hûshêdar's millennium (see § 13). Now according to Bund. XXXIV, 7-9, the interval from 'the coming of the religion,' in the reign of Kaî-Vistâsp, to the end of the Sasanian monarchy was 90 + 112 + 30 + 12 + 14 + 14 + 284 + 460 =1016 years. If by 'the coming of the religion' be meant the time when Zaratûst received it, as he was then thirty years old, he must have been born 1046 years before the end of the Sasanian monarchy (A.D. 651), and the end of his millennium must have been in A.D. 605, the sixteenth year of Khûsrô Parvîz, when the Sasanian power was near its maximum, and only a score of years before it began suddenly to collapse. This close coincidence indicates that the writer of the Bahman Yast must have adopted the same incorrect chronology as is found in the Bundahis. If, however, 'the coming of the religion' mean its acceptance by Vistâsp, which occurred in Zaratûst's fortieth or p. 220 forty-second year, his birth must have been ten or twelve years earlier. and his millennium must have ended A.D. 593-595. But according to the imperfect chronology of Bund. XXXIV the tenth millennium of the world, that of Capricornus, commenced with 'the coming of the religion,' and ended, therefore, in A.D. 635, the fourth year of Yazdakard, the last Sasanian king, when the Muhammadans were just preparing for their first invasion; so the millennium of Aquarius is very nearly coincident with that of Hûshêdar, and may probably be intended to represent it. It appears, therefore, that the millennium of Hûshêdar is altogether past, having extended from A.D. 593-635 to A.D. 1593-1635.

The Paz. MSS. omit § 12. The writer having detailed the evils of the iron age, now returns to its commencement in order to describe the means adopted for partially counteracting those evils.

See Bund. XXII, 5, XXXII, 8. The Pâz. MSS. add, 'they bring him up in Zâvulistân and Kâvulistân;' and the Pers. version says, 'on the frontier of Kâbulistân.' With regard to the time of Hûshêdar's birth, see § 44. His name is always written Khûrshêdar in K20.

The Pâz. and Pers. versions say, 'at thirty years of age,' as in § 44.

Possibly Samarkand (see Chap. II, 49. note 2).

Bahrâm the illustrious or splendid (Av. varekanghand, compare Pers. varg), an epithet applied, in the Avesta, to the moon, Tistrya, the scriptures, the royal glory of the Kayânians, the Kayânians themselves, and the hero Thrita. This personage may possibly be an incarnation of the angel Bahrâm, mingled with some reminiscences of the celebrated Persian general Bahrâm Kôpîn; but see §§ 32, 49.

A commentator who is quoted in the Pahlavi Yas. XI, 22; see also Chap. I, 7.

The 22nd day of the eighth month of the Parsi year, corresponding to October 7th when the year began at the vernal equinox, as the Bundahis (XXV, 6, 7, 20, 21) describes.

That is, Bactrian and Samarkandian.

Or, 'light up with glitter,' according as we read tâgend or tâvend. The Pâz. MSS. omit §§ 17-44, except one or two isolated phrases.

Spiegel was inclined to identify this name with Bombay, but this is impossible, as the MS. K20 (in which the name occurs) was written some two centuries before the Portuguese invented the name of Bombay. Its original name, by which it is still called by p. 222 its native inhabitants, being Mumbaî. The locality mentioned in the text is, evidently to be sought on the banks of the Oxus near Bukhârâ; the Oxus having been sometimes considered the upper course of the Arag, and sometimes that of the Veh (see Bund. XX, 22, note 5). It is hardly probable that either Bâmî (Balkh) or Bâmiyân would be changed into Bambŏ, and the only exact representative of this name appears to be Bamm, a town about 120 miles S. E. of Kirmân; this is quite a different locality from that mentioned in the text, but it is hazardous to set bounds to the want of geographical knowledge displayed by some of the Pahlavi commentators.

Compare SZS. IV, 8. Here the triumph of Jupiter over Venus appears to be symbolical of the displacement of the queen dowager by her son.

That is, from the southern shore of the Caspian.

Reading Hiriyân, but this is doubtful, as it may be 'from the citadels (arigânŏ), or defiles (khalakânŏ), of Kôhistân.'

See Bund. XII, 17, XIII, 15.

That is, every man able to bear arms.

Reading pavan, 'into,' instead of barâ, 'besides' (see SZS. VIII, 2, note 5).

See § 10, but as nothing is said there about Kurd or Karmân, it is possible that the writer meant to say, 'of whom I told thee, p. 223 and whom they call both Kurd and Karmân.' It is more probable, however, that he is referring to § 7.

Compare § 7. The 'extensive army' and 'two-legged wolf' are terms borrowed apparently from Yas. IX, 62, 63.

That is, 'the rapid' (Av. aurvand). The other names of this river, Tigris and Hiddekel, have the same meaning. See §§ 5, 38.

See § 9, of which this is a recapitulation, but the first of the three battles is here omitted by mistake.

Marv in the present Turkistân.

Referring to § 17.

Supposing that bandôk may be equivalent to Pers. bandak, but the usual Pahlavi term for cotton is pumbak (Pers. punbah).

Reading grestak as in § 5, but the word can also be read dar dîdak, 'gate watch-tower.' It is possible that the drugŏ geredha, 'pit of the fiend,' of Vend. III, 24, may be here meant; the gate of hell, whence the demons congregate upon the Arezûr ridge (Bund. XII, 8).

Compare, 'and at the time of the end' (Dan. xi. 40). The writer appears to be here finally passing from a description of the past into speculations as to the future, which he has hitherto only casually indulged in.

The supernatural means supposed to be employed for the destruction of the wicked and the restoration of the good are detailed in the following paragraphs.

See Chap. II, 36.

The two angels who are the special messengers of Aûharmazd to mankind (see Bund. XV, 1, XXX, 29). This message was expected to be sent to Pêshyôtanû near the end of Hûshêdar's millennium (see § 51).

See Bund. XXIX, 10.

See Bund. XXXI, 25.

A title of Pêshyôtanû, written Kitrô-maînô in Bund. XXIX, 5.

This was the twentieth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dînkard; but the Dînî-vagarkard and the Rivâyats make it the twenty-first, and say very p. 225 little about its contents (see Haug's Essays, pp. 133, 134). The Dînkard, in its eighth book, gives the following account of this Nask:—

‘The Hâdôkht as it exists has three divisions among its 133 sections. The first has thirteen (twelve?) sections, treatises upon the nature of the recital of the Ahunavar, which is the spiritual benefit from chanting it aloud, and whatever is on the same subject. Admonition about selecting and keeping a spiritual and worldly high-priest, performing every duty as to the high-priest, and maintaining even those of various high-priests. On the twenty-one chieftainships of the spirits in Aûharmazd, and of the worldly existences in Zaratûst, among which are the worship of God and the management of the devout. On the duty requisite in each of the five different periods of the day and night, and the fate at the celestial bridge of him who shall be zealous in the celebration of the season-festivals; he who does not provide the preparations for the feast of the season-festivals, and who is yet efficient in the other worship of God. On how to consider, and what to do with, a leader of the high-priest class and a man of the inferior classes; he who atones for unimportant sin, and he who does not atone even for that which is important, and whatever is on the same subject. On the apparatus with which ploughed land (?) is prepared. On the manifestation of virtuous manhood, and the merit and advantage from uttering good words for blessing the eating and drinking of food and drink, and rebuking the inward talk of the demons. On the recitations at the five periods of the day, and the ceremonial invocation by name of many angels, each separately, and great information on the same subject; the worthiness of a man restrained by authority the giving of life and body to the angel the good rulers, and their examination and satisfaction; the blessing and winning words which are most successful in carrying off the affliction which proceeds from a fiend. On all-pleasing creativeness and omniscience, and all precedence (?), leadership, foresight(?), worthy liberality, virtue (?), and every proper cause and effect of righteousness; the individuality of righteousness, the opposition to the demons of Aûharmazd's opinion, and also much other information in the same section.

‘The middle division has 102 sections, treatises on spiritual and worldly diligence, the leadership of the diligent, and their mighty p. 226 means, all former deeds of righteousness; righteousness kindling the resolution is the reward of merit, each for each, and is adapted by it for that of which it is said that it is the Hâdôkht which is the maintaining of righteousness, so that they may make righteousness more abiding in the body of a man.

'The last division has nineteen sections of trusty remedies, that is, remedies whose utterance aloud by the faithful is a chief resource among the creatures of God; also the nature of sayings full of humility, well-favoured, most select, and adapted for that of which it is said that I reverence that chief, the excellent and eminent Hâdôkht, of which they trust in the sustaining strength of every word of Zaratûst. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness (Av. ashem vohû vahistem astî).'

According to tradition three chapters of this Nask are still extant, being the Yast fragments XXI, XXII of Westergaard's edition of the Avesta Texts; but they do not correspond to any part of the description in the Dînkard. For a description of Dvâzdah-hômâst see Chap. II, 59.

See Bund. XII, 7.

That is, 'good thoughts, good words, and good deeds,' a formula often uttered when commencing an important action.

See Bund. XVII, 5, 6. This appears to be an allusion to the removal of the sacred fire by Vistâsp, from the, 'glorious' mountain in Khvârizem to the 'shining' mountain in Kâvulistân.

See Chap. II, 37.

Regarding these three manifestations of the sacred fire, see Bund. XVII, 3-9, SZS. XI, 8-10.

Supplying the word sêdâân, 'the demons,' in accordance with 36, 37; there being clearly some word omitted in K20.

See Chap. II, 36.

Hûgar the lofty in Bund. XII, 2, 5.

The fact that the angel Vâhrâm goes in his spiritual forth to the assistance of Pêshyôtanû, rather militates against the idea that be also goes in the form of Vâhrâm the Vargâvand.

This verb is omitted by mistake in K20.

Literally, 'arrive at the writing.'

Or, 'stand up with honesty.'

The latter two names are here written Frâsâv and Alasandar.

From this it appears that the writer expected the evil reign of the unbelievers to last a thousand years, that is, till the end of Hûshêdar's millennium, about A.D. 1593-1635, which corresponds very closely with the reign of the great Shâh ’Abbâs.

Or, perhaps 'what I said before,' being already narrated in § 29 as performed by Pêshyôtanû before advancing far into Iran.

The Tigris and the Oxus-Indus (see §§ 5, 21).

Probably a title of Pêshyôtanû; a more obvious translation would be, 'restrains a curbed temper, and is intrusted,' &c,, but it is hardly probable that the warrior prince Vâhrâm could become a priest. It is Vâhrâm's business to restore the empire, leaving Pêshyôtanû to restore the religion.

The supreme high-priesthood, or primacy.

Merely a guess, as the verb varafsêd is difficult to understand.

K20 has nismô, 'soul,' but the very similarly written gadman, 'glory,' is a more likely reading here (see § 32).

Reading dûdak instead of rûdak, as in Chap. II, 47.

The writer having detailed the supernatural means employed for restoring the religion, now returns to the birth of Hûshêdar p. 231 (§ 13) for the purpose of mentioning some of his actions, and making the chronology of his millennium rather more clear. Nothing is said here about his miraculous birth, the details of which are given in the seventh book of the Dînkard very much as they are found in the Persian Rivâyats. The Dînkard states that thirty years before the end of Zaratûst's millennium a young maiden bathing in certain water, and drinking it, becomes pregnant through the long-preserved seed of Zaratûst (see Bund. XXXII, 8, 9), and subsequently gives birth to Hûshêdar.

There seems to be no other rational way of understanding this number than by supposing that it represents the date of Hûshêdar's birth, counting from the beginning of Zaratûst's millennium. According to this view Hûshêdar was to be born in the six hundredth year of his own millennium, and not at its beginning, as § 13 seems to imply, nor nearly thirty years earlier, as the Dînkard asserts. As the beginning of his millennium may be fixed about A.D. 593-635 (see note on § 11), the writer must have expected him to be born about A.D. 1193-1235; a time which was probably far in the future when he was writing. And as Vâhrâm the Vargâvand was to be born when Hûshêdar was thirty years of age (compare §§ 14) 44), and was to march into Iran at the age of thirty (§ 17), the great conflict of the nations (§§ 8, 19-22) was expected to begin about A.D. 1253-1295, and to continue till near the end of the millennium, about A.D. 1593-1635, when Pêshyôtanû was expected to appear (§ 51) and to restore the 'good' religion (§§ 26, 37, 42). An enthusiastic Parsi interpreter of prophecy might urge that though this period did not witness any revival of his religion, it did witness a restoration of the Persian empire under Shâh ’Abbâs, and also the first beginning of British power in India, which has been so great a benefit to the scanty, remnant of his fellow-countrymen.

The usual epithet of the sun in the Avesta.

The seven regions of the earth (see Bund. XI, 2, 3).

It is just possible to read, 'the sun with the swift horse, the splendid, moves on, and all mankind fully believe,' &c. But if the reading in the text be correct it effectually disposes of the idea of Vâhrâm being an incarnation of the angel, as an angel would require no miracle to make him believe in the religion.

See §§ 25-30.

This verb is doubtful, as most of the word is torn off in K20.

This appears to be the meaning, but the latter part of the sentence is not very clear.

See Bund. XXXII, 8. The name is written Khûrshêd-mâh in K20. The Dînkard gives the same account of the miraculous birth of Hûshêdar-mâh as of the first Hûshêdar (see note on § 43); it also repeats the legend of the sun standing still, but for the longer period of twenty days; all which details are also found in the Persian Rivâyats.

Av. azikithra; such creatures are mentioned in Ardavahist Yt. 8, 10, 11, 15; but Az-i Dahâk, 'the destructive serpent,' is probably meant here (see §§ 56-61).

As in the previous millennium. According to the chronology deduced from § 44 the millennium of Hûshêdar-mâh, which corresponds to the twelfth and last millennium of Bund. XXXIV, is now near the middle of its third century.

The sentence is either defective or obscure, but this appears to be its meaning.

The evil spirit is encouraged by an act of religious toleration, apparently, to recommence his manœuvres for injuring mankind.

Here written Dimbhâvand (see Bund. XII, 31).

Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mûn, 'which' (see the note on Bund. I, 7).

The var-i Yim kard (see Bund. XXIX, 14). The men and creatures who are supposed to be preserved in this enclosure are expected to replenish the world whenever it has been desolated by wars and oppression.

Whose surname is Bêvarâsp (see Bund. XXIX, 9).

The Pâz. MSS. end here.

Also called Sâm in this same section; he was lying in a trance in the plain of Pêsyânsaî (see Bund. XXIX, 7-9).

Reading afas instead of minas (see Chap. II, 4, note 2).

The thirteenth millennium, or first of the future existence, when Sôshyans appears. The Dînkard and the Persian Rivâyats recount the same legends regarding the miraculous birth of Sôshyans, and of the sun standing still (for thirty days), as they do with regard to Hûshêdar (see note on § 43).

See Bund. XXXII, 8.