IX. God and the World: Space, Matter, Ether and Spirit
IX. God and the World:
SPACE, MATTER, ETHER AND SPIRIT
Isaac Newton
It is difficult to tell what the reasons were that determined Newton to enlarge, in the Latin edition (translation) of his Opticks, the number of Queries appended by him to the third book of his work, and to include among the additional ones two rather long and extremely important and interesting papers which, in contradistinction to the purely technical Queries of the first English edition, deal, not with optical, but with methodological, epistemological and metaphysical problems.1
The publication of Raphson's book could not have been the motive: the De spatio reali was published in 1702, the Latin translation of the Opticks in 1706; but the English edition appeared in 1704 and if Newton wanted to make his position clear in relation to Raphson's, he could, and should have done it in 1704. It is possible, in my opinion—though it is only a conjecture—that it was the publication of Dr. George Cheyne's Philosophical
[paragraph continues] Principles of Natural Religion that gave Newton the incentive, usually lacking, to come into the open.2
Now, be this as it may, it is these Queries (which, curiously enough, seem to have been ignored by Berkeley) which build the subject of the famous polemics between Leibniz and Clarke. It is, indeed, in these Queries (21 and 22) that, in a much more precise and clear manner than anywhere else—the General Scholium of the second edition of the Principia not excluded—Newton states his conceptions about the purpose and aim of philosophy and develops, at the same time, his general world-view: an extremely interesting and fairly consistent system of "corpuscular philosophy"—already sketched in his letters to Bentley—asserting the fundamental unity of matter and light, and presenting the material components of the universe, that is, hard, indivisible particles, as constantly acted upon by quite a system of various non-material attractive and repulsive forces. Thus Query 20 (28 in the second edition) explains at length the physical (astronomical) inadmissibility of the plenum (a completely full space would oppose such a strong resistance to motion that it would be practically impossible and would have ceased long ago), as well as the physical (astronomical) admissibility of the celestial spaces’ being filled with an extremely thin, rare and tenuous ether, of which the density can be made as small as we wish (is not our air "at the height of 70, 140, 210 miles 100,000, 100,000,000,000 or 100,000,000,000,000 times rarer, and so on" than on the earth?), which implies the granular structure of this ether, the existence of a vacuum and the rejection of a continuous medium, and concludes:3
As for Query 23 (31), it starts with the question:
Newton does not tell us outright—any more than he does in the Principia—what these various "Powers" are. Just as in the Principia, he leaves that question open, though, as we know, he holds them to be non-mechanical, immaterial and even "spiritual" energy extraneous to matter.'
Whatever these "Powers" may be, they are, in any case, real forces and perfectly indispensable for the explanation—even a hypothetical one—of the existence of bodies, that is, of the sticking together of the material particles that compose them; a purely materialistic pattern of nature is utterly impossible (and a purely materialistic or mechanistic physics, such as that of Lucretius or of Descartes, is impossible, too):6
It could be argued, of course (and was to be argued by Leibniz) that Newton is wrong to stick to the classical atomic conception of hard, impenetrable, indivisible last components of matter, a conception which implies great difficulties for dynamics. It is indeed, impossible to say what would happen if two absolutely hard bodies should collide. Let us take, for instance, two perfectly similar and perfectly hard, that is, absolutely unyielding and indeformable, bodies, and let them approach each other—the classical case of dynamics—with the same speed. What will they do after the impact? Rebound, as elastic bodies would do? Or stop each other as would be the case with inelastic ones? As a matter of fact, they should not do either—yet, tertium non datur. As we know, Descartes, in order to preserve the principle of conservation of energy, asserted the rebounding. But he was obviously wrong. If we admit, however, that they would stop each other, that is, that motion is lost in every impact, would not the world-machine run down very quickly and very quickly come to a stop? Should we not, in order to avoid these difficulties, discard completely the atomic conception and admit, for instance, that matter is infinitely divisible or that its "last" components are not hard atoms but soft, or elastic, particles, or even "physical monads"? Newton, therefore, continues7
This "something," as we know, and as it is clear from the very texts I am quoting, cannot be other, smaller, "ethereal" particles, at least not in the last analysis, because the same question, that is, the question about their interaction, can obviously be raised concerning the "ethereal" particles themselves, and cannot be answered by postulating an ultra-ether, which moreover, would imply the existence of an ultra-ultra-ether, and so on.
[paragraph continues] Forces of attraction, and also of repulsion are therefore fundamental, though non-material, elements of nature:8
Thus we see it once more: good, empirical and experimental natural philosophy does not exclude from the fabric of the world and the furniture of heaven immaterial or transmaterial forces. It only renounces the discussion of their nature, and, dealing with them simply as causes of the observable effects, treats them—being a mathematical natural philosophy—as mathematical causes or forces, that is, as mathematical concepts or relations. It is, on the contrary, the a priori philosophy of the classical Greek atomists, who at least recognized the existence of void space and probably even the non-mechanical character of gravity, and of course that of Descartes, that is guilty of this exclusion and of the impossible attempts to explain everything by matter and motion. As for Newton himself, he is so deeply convinced of the reality of these immaterial, and, in this sense, transphysical forces, that this conviction enables him to devise a most extraordinary and truly prophetic picture of the general structure of material beings:9
Moreover, as I have already hinted before, the admission of various immaterial forces acting upon or distributed around the bodies or particles according to strict mathematical laws—or to express it in a more modern way: the admission of the existence of different fields of forces connected with bodies and particles—enables us, and that is an invaluable advantage, to superimpose them one upon the other, and even to transform them into their contraries. Indeed,10
Thus, the admission of immaterial "virtues" offers us an immediate and elegant solution of the most important and crucial problem of elasticity, or "springiness" of bodies; and vice versa, this very solution demonstrates the impossibility of explaining this property of bodies by purely mechanical means (as Descartes and Boyle tried to do) and therefore confirms the insufficiency of pure materialism not only for philosophy in general, but also for natural philosophy. As a matter of fact, without the immaterial Powers and Virtues, there would not be any Nature to philosophize about, because there would be no cohesion, no unity and no motion; or if there were, at the beginning, it would have ceased long ago. On the contrary, if we admit the double, material as well as immaterial, structure of Nature,11
Yet, even if they be elastic, they cannot be absolutely elastic, and thus, by each and every impact, some motion (that is, momentum) will be lost. And if the world were full, as the Cartesians want it to be, then the "vortical" motion assumed by Descartes would cease very quickly, because12
that is, in the last analysis by the constant action in the world of the Omnipresent and All-powerful God. Newton therefore continues:13
It seems to me farther, that these Particles have not only a Vis inertiae, accompanied with such passive Laws of Motion as naturally result from that Force, but also that they are moved by certain active Principles. . . .
and it is the action of these principles, or, more exactly, the action of God by means of these principles that gives to the world its structure and order, and it is this structure and order that enables us to recognize that the world is an effect of choice, and not chance or necessity. Natural philosophy—at least the good one, that is, the Newtonian and not the Cartesian—thus transcends itself and leads us to God:14
All that, and much more besides,15
concludes Newton, who could have added that in the Principia he had already shown—without insisting upon it—that the inverse square law of attraction, the actual law of this world, was by no means the only possible—although the most convenient one—and that God, had He wanted to, could have adopted another. As he could have quoted his friend Robert Boyle who believed that God had actually tried out, in different worlds, different laws of motion; or Joseph Raphson who had just expressed the same opinion. Yet he did not. As he did not quote Henry More when he made infinite space the sensorium of the nevertheless transcendent God.
